Media Massa, Komunikasi Politik dan Kedai Kopi di Aceh

Oleh Lestari Nurhajati*


Abstract

The phenomena of coffee shop in Aceh, a place to socialise and communicate with all kind of people, is indeed a unique one. Moreover, its very existence is compared to meunasah (meeting place to pray), a social function in Aceh tradition, which is inseparable from daily activities. Both coffee shop and meunasah have similar function for social interaction in the community.

Various topics for discussion is all too familiar in coffee shop talks, from social, culture, economy to politics. This is a familiar picture found in several European countries in 18th century, which helped to raise social movement from this kind of coffee shops. Hence, coffee shops as public sphere become the critical observance related to the community existence, a combination of three main interests, work, interaction, and power (Habermas).

Interaction process in Aceh coffee shops does change the function of having cups of coffee, more than just coffee shops, it create social place, perhaps, for wider purpose of social movement. When the power concentrate on status quo, the coffee shops become a place to debate for people’s rights. Thus, observing coffee shops in Aceh will enrich insights into Aceh community nowadays and toward the future.

Pendahuluan

Pada tanggal 11 Oktober 2008, Hasan Tiro, salah seorang tokoh Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM) yang sudah hampir 30 tahun tinggal di Swedia, pulang ke tanah kelahirannya di Aceh. Sebuah situasi yang tidak terbayangkan bahwa hal itu akan terjadi, karena konflik yang menahun dan demikian kuat antara pemerintah Indonesia dengan GAM yang sempat terjadi sebelumnya. Saat itu hampir semua media nasional di Indonesia maupun media lokal di Aceh memberitakan peristiwa ini. Namun sesungguhnya bagi masyarakat Aceh sendiri, rumor soal rencana kedatangan Hasan Tiro sudah jauh-jauh hari diperbincangkan, terutama di kedai-kedai kopi yang bertebaran di seluruh pelosok Aceh. Beredarnya rumor politik di Aceh melalui kedai kopi memang bukan hal besar, semacam jadi rahasia umum. Bahkan penulis yang sempat tinggal di Aceh (2006-2007) ikut merasakan betapa kedai kopi di Aceh merupakan sarana komunikasi dan sosialisasi politik yang sangat jitu.

Contoh lainnya adalah pemberitaan tentang perbincangan di kedai kopi yang sudah sampai tahapan mendiskusikan persiapan Pemilu 2009 lalu. Media lokal di Aceh menggambarkan bahwa masyarakat Aceh sudah mampu memprediksikan siapa-siapa saja yang menjadi partai pemenang Pemilu, termasuk tentang posisi partai lokal dalam konstalasi nasional. Sebuah pembicaraan ”sederhana dan ringan” tampaknya tentang rumor politik, namun bisa jadi membawa kebenaran yang nyata, sama nyatanya dengan rumor awal tentang akan datangnya Hasan Tiro ke Aceh.

Kondisi ini pun menyebabkan banyak pekerja media (jurnalis) di Aceh yang kemudian bekerja dari balik kedai-kedai kopi di Ache dan melahirkan berita-berita yang menyebar dengan sangat cepat. Di warung kopi itu, biasanya, mereka mulai dari saling berbagi isu, merancang rencana liputan, hingga membuat (mengetik) berita. Seperti terlihat di satu warung kopi di Jalan SA Mahmudsyah, Banda Aceh, setiap pagi kelompok jurnalis ini berkumpul sambil ngopi kerap mendiskusikan topik-topik hangat, baik yang terjadi di tingkat lokal, nasional, maupun dunia internasional (Surat Kabar Serambi Indonesa, 9 Februari 2008).

Kedai Kopi Vs Meunasah

Mushola (meunasah) dan juga kedai kopi (keude kupi) adalah dua pranata sosial dalam masyarakat Aceh yang sulit dipisahkan dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. Menjadi bagian dari identitas masyarakat Aceh itu sendiri. Keberadaan kedua pranata sosial ini menyebar di seluruh pelosok Aceh dan memiliki kesamaan fungsi untuk kegiatan sosialisasi dan interaksi di antara anggota masyarakat. Jika kehadiran meunasah ditengarai ada saat penyebaran Islam, maka kedai kopi sulit ditelusuri sejarahnya. Namun kedai kopi diperkirakan muncul usai era penjajahan Belanda, yang memungkinkan masyarakat leluasa bersosialisasi dan berkumpul. Ada indikasi bahwa kedai kopi menjadi sangat popular pada tahun 1980-an sampai pertengahan 1990-an ketika masa DOM (Daerah Operasi Militer) diterapkan di Aceh. Bahkan ada wacana yang menyatakan bahwa kedai kopi juga menjadi sarana koordinasi antara panglima GAM serta dijadikan tempat perundingan tidak resmi antara pihak GAM dengan TNI (Tentara Nasional Indonesia). Tetapi pemberitaan di berbagai media seringkali hanya menyoroti banyaknya kedai kopi, serta kebiasaan masyarakat Aceh bermalas-malasan di kedai kopi. Tidak ada media yang membahas lebih detil apa saja yang berada di balik kebiasaan berlama-lama di kedai kopi tersebut.

Saat ini keberadaan kedai kopi dirasakan cukup memegang peranan penting dalam kegiatan berinteraksi di antara masyarakat Aceh. Belum didapatkan data statistik tentang perbandingan jumlah meunasah dan kedai kopi, namun diperkirakan jumlah kedai kopi saat ini lebih banyak daripada meunasah. Hal ini tentu saja sangat memungkinkan terjadinya perubahan sosial, politik dan budaya pada kehidupan masyarakat Aceh. Secara umum kedai kopi di Aceh dianggap menjadi sarana yang lebih terbuka dan egaliter dalam menerima pengunjungnya. Kondisi ini barangkali sesuai dengan apa yang disebut oleh Castells (2004) bahwa kegagalan gerakan proaktif dan politik untuk menghadapi eksploitasi ekonomi, dominasi kultural (termasuk dalam hal ini agama), tekanan politik akan menyebabkan masyarakat tidak lagi mempunyai pilihan lainnya selain kembali pada lokalitas mereka. Identitas lokal masyarakat Aceh pun terbentuk makin kental ketika mereka berada di kedai kopi untuk mengekspresikan segala ide dan pendapat masing-masing secara terbuka tanpa tekanan dari pihak manapun.

Apabila kita berkunjung di berbagai kedai kopi yang banyak berderet di Aceh, maka pengunjungnya bukan orang tertentu saja, tidak ”itu-itu saja”. Melainkan sangat bervariasi. Demikian juga komposisi usia dan jenis kelaminnya pun makin beragam, jika dulu dimonopoli oleh kaum pria dewasa, sekarang perempuan dan kelompok remaja juga mulai tampak bersantai di kedai kopi. Sementara bila melihat dari jenis pekerjaan dari pengunjungnya, juga berbeda-beda mulai dari pekerja bangunan, petani, pedagang, pekerja NGO, sampai pegawai negeri. Dalam sebuah kesempatan bahkan penulis pernah bertemu dengan rombongan gubernur Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam (NAD), Irwandi Yusuf yang berbincang santai, dan berlama-lama di kedai kopi (tanpa pengawalan ketat dan tanpa prosedur protokoler), setelah itu biasanya seluruh pengunjung kedai kopi tersebut akan ”ketiban” rejeki karena sang gubernur terpilih tersebut akan mentraktir seluruh orang di kedai kopi itu. Meski demikian, beberapa waktu lalu ada pemberitaan bahwa sang gubernur, yang juga ”pengunjung setia” kedai kopi, sempat gusar karena banyak pegawai negeri tidak di tempat ketika jam kerja. Ia pun melakukan sweeping mendadak ke kedai kopi favorit pejabat di Banda Aceh. Sehingga sejak itu pula orang berseragam pegawai negeri gerah duduk di kedai kopi. Barangkali mereka kemudian memilih berganti baju terlebih dahulu bila hendak bersantai di kedai kopi.

Suasana seperti itu tentu saja sulit ditemukan di daerah lain. Di daerah lain, misalnya, jangankan gubernur atau bupati, seorang pejabat tingkat di bawahnya yang berada di daerah pastilah enggan duduk di kedai kopi bersama warga biasa, atau bahkan mungkin ada di antaranya yang penganggur, karena dianggap dapat mencederai wibawa korps pegawai negeri. Sistem egaliter yang diterapkan di kedai kopi Aceh ini sangat menarik dan membawa konsekuensi yang timbul karena kondisi tersebut. Misalnya saja komunikasi antara pemangku pemerintahan dan masyarakat makin terbuka, namun di sisi lain ada juga kecenderungan untuk ”menyelesaikan” segala sesuatu di perundingan kedai kopi, sesuatu yang tentu saja tidak bisa 100% diterapkan, apabila berkaitan dengan tata aturan pemerintahan dan kenegaraan. Tak aneh juga bila masyarakat Aceh juga punya pameo, ”Pasti ada di kedai kopi”, bila hendak bertemu dengan relasi ataupun rekanan kerjanya yang tidak bisa di temui di tempat kerja maupun di rumahnya.

Public Sphere Habermas

Kedai kopi sebagai sarana public sphere (ruang publik) kemudian menjadi kajian kritis yang tidak terlepas dari keberadaan masyarakat yang merupakan gabungan antara tiga kepentingan utama, seperti yang diungkapkan pakar Komunikasi dari Jerman, Habermas, bahwa ada kepentingan pekerjaan, interaksi (komunikasi), dan juga kekuasaan dalam setiap peristiwa yang terjadi di ruang publik. Pada saat itu situasi berbagai negara Eropa memperlihatkan keterpisahan yang menyolok antara para penguasa pemerintahan (negara), dengan masyarakatnya. Kekuasaan seolah bersifat mutlak di tangan segelintir elit penguasa dan tidak memberikan ruang bagi penduduk sipil untuk menyuarakan haknya.

Habermas dalam sebuah karyanya menggambarkan sebuah sejarah di Eropa , Inggris, dan Perancis) abad 18 yang memunculkan sebuah gerakan sosial ketika orang-orang sering berdiskusi di ichgesllschaften, sebutan orang Jerman untuk kafe, juga terjadi di Inggris di cafe house mereka, dan orang-orang Perancis berkumpul di salon. Kelompok para pria yang mayoritas kelompok kelas atas (borjuis) ini makin lama makin menyadari pentingnya membangun opini publik, dan menyerukan berbagai kepentingan bersama mereka melalui berbagai diskusi dan perbincangan informal tadi. Pola ini kemudian banyak ditemui diberbagai tempat.

Secara institusional , menurut Habermas (1993) terdapat kriteria yan menyamakan kondisi yang ada pada ke 3 lokasi public sphere di atas, antara lain:

1. Adanya upaya pemeliharaan bentuk hubungan sosial yang jauh dari mensyaratkan persamaan status di antara mereka.

2 Diskusi yang terjadi dalam publik tersebut tidak mempertanyakan beragam permasalahan yang dimunculkan. Kepentingan bersama pada publik itu justru berkaitan dengan upaya kritis mempertanyakan monopoli negara dan gereja (saat itu) terhadap filsafat, literatur dan budaya.

3. Adanya proses yang sama untuk mengubah budaya ke dalam komoditi, agar mampu hadir ke dalam public sphere dengan sifat yang inklusif.

Dalam situasi interaksi yang terjadi di kedai kopi di Aceh, semua kriteria yang ada sebagai kajian dari pulic sphere oleh Habermas, terpenuhi secara langsung maupun tidak langsung. Misalnya jelas-jelas pengunjung kedai kopi di Aceh tidak disyaratkan memiliki kesamaan status tertentu, selain itu diskusi yang muncul pun beragam dan tidak ada satupun yang mempertanyakan asal muasal kenapa tema diskusi tersebut hadir. Bahkan seringkali yang dipertanyakan adalah sikap negara dan pemerintah yang dianggap kurang memperhatikan kebutuhan masyarakat Aceh saat itu. Proses ketiga pun terjadi, yakni adanya upaya menjadikan apa yang mereka bincangkan termasuk berkaitan dengan budaya (termasuk agama) akan bisa lebih terbuka dibahas dan sifatnya menyatu dengan kepentingan masyarakat Aceh itu sendiri.

Tentu saja apa yang dilakukan oleh para pengunjung kedai kopi ini sesuai dengan kebutuhan mereka untuk berkomunikasi dan menyampaikan sesuatu sesuai dengan harapan akan adanya tindakan berikutnya. Apabila ini dilihat dari speech act theory yang diungkapkan oleh John Searle (Littlejohn, 2002) bahwa speech tidak hanya digunakan untuk mendesain sesuatu tetapi justru secara aktual untuk melakukan sesuatu. Setelah itulah baru terjadi sebuah kegiatan yang disebut dengan tindakan komunikatif.

Komunikasi seperti ini merupakan gambaran situasi komunikasi yang ideal, dimana oleh Habermas (1984) dikategorikan sebagai komunikasi yang emansipatoris yakni ada kebebasan bicara, akses yang sama, serta distribusi kekuasaan yang sama pada pengunjung kedai kopi tersebut. Ketika tindakan komunikasi sudah terbentuk, maka dengan sendirinya akan menghadirkan sebuah kondisi yang disebut dengan validitas klaim. Menurut Weber (Habermas, 1984) bahwa stabilitas dari pengakuan tata aturan juga berdasarkan adanya keterbatasan struktural yang berasal dari potensial pengakuan pada adanya ide dan pandangan dunia. Kemudian validitas klaim ini bergantung dari kondisi internal yang terdiri atas kebenaran (correctnes), kelayakan (worthiness), dan ketulusan.

Fenomena ini tak jauh dari kondisi yang terjadi pada masyarakat Aceh ketika mereka berada di kedai kopi. Sehingga mencermati keberadaan kedai kopi di Aceh akan memungkinkan melihat fenomena masyarakat Aceh saat ini dan di masa depan. Sehingga bukan tidak mungkin kita bisa mendengarkan berbagai aspirasi masyarakat Aceh dengan lebih terbuka dan jujur di berbagai kedai kopi ini dibandingkan dengan pembicaraan aspirasi yang disampaikan di gedung DPR/DPRD.

Terlebih bila kita amati lebih jauh, rata-rata kedai kopi ini buka pada pukul 6 pagi, dan akan tutup pada tengah melam, sekitar pukul 00. Untuk kedai-kedai kopi yang sangat populer seperti kedai kopi Jasa Ayah-Solong dan juga Chek Yukee, yang keduanya di Banda Aceh, kita bisa melihat sebuah pemandangan yang spektakuler, yakni sejak pagi dibuka hingga tutup selalu penuh berisi orang, sulit mencari tempat kosong. Pun di jam-jam kerja, sebuah fenomena yang menarik dan langka. Fenomena ini tentu saja menarik dicermati, terutama bila kita bisa menelaah lebih lanjut tentang apa saja yang menjadi perbincangan di sana, serta sejauh apa materi perbincangan tersebut memiliki kepentingan langsung dan tak langsung pada para pengunjung kedai kopi yang mendiskusikannya tersebut.

Komunikasi Politik

Ketika Habermas melihat awalnya kehadiran public sphere cenderung di awali dengan kondisi pemusatan kekuasaan oleh pihak penguasa, maka kondisi serupa sangat sesuai dengan gambaran yang ada di Aceh saat pemberlakuan DOM. Pada saat itu secara nyata terjadi kebuntuan komunikasi politik antara pihak penguasa pusat, khususnya para petinggi militer dengan pemangku kepentingan lainnya yang berada di Aceh. Berbagai persoalan mendasar yang terjadi di Aceh seolah tidak ada solusinya, pun terhadap isu yang mendasar dan sangat penting.

Seperti yang diungkapkan oleh Yoesoef (Bourchier & Hadiz, 2003) bahwa pemimpin militer yang mengkomandoi DOM Aceh tidak memiliki kemauan politik untuk memecahkan masalah berkaitan dengan kekerasan hak asasi manusia berkaitan dengan DOM. Metode komunikasi politik semacam ini pada saat itu seolah ”syah” saja terjadi sesuai dengan arahan dan metode gaya komunikasi presiden Indonesia ketika itu, Soeharto. Soeharto dikenal sebagai The Smiling General, jendral yang murah senyum, namun sekaligus memiliki sikap untuk pembatasan perbedaan pendapat. Hal ini diungkapkan oleh Simanjuntak ((Bourchier & Hadiz, 2003) yang mengkritik Soeharto karena mengeluarkan statemen pada tahun 1990 bahwa ”perbedaan pendapat di ijinkan”, sebagai sebuah pernyataan komunikasi politik yang justru mengandung premis bahwa sebelumnya telah terjadi pelarangan atas perbedaan berpendapat. Sebuah kondisi yang jelas-jelas bertentangan dengan Pasal 28, UUD 1945 tentang kebebasan berpendapat dan berserikat.

Komunikasi bergaya satu arah yang oleh Muller (Nimmo, 2005) ini merupakan komunikasi terarah, dimana kebijakan pemerintah berusaha yang berusaha menstrukturkan bahasa dan melegitimasi otoritas kelompok tertentu untuk melambangkan status kawula bagi yang lain. Lebih lanjut kondisi tersebut akan menimbulan komunikasi tertahan dan juga komunikasi politik yang terkekang dimana penggunaan pembicaraan politik oleh kaum elit hanya untuk kepentingan mereka sendiri.

Komunikasi politik yang bersifat searah dan tidak memperhatikan komunikannya seperti itu tentu saja tidak akan pernah bisa diterapkan lagi dalam situasi fase ke-3 dari sistem komunikasi politik dunia, yakni fase yang justru sangat melihat semua kepentingan komunikator maupun komunikannya, dan tidak akan berfungsi sistem komunikasi politik tersebut bila komunikasi tersebut berjalan searah. Seperti yang dijabarkan Blumer & Kavanagh (Negrine & Stanyer, 2007) yang mengkaji 3 fase sistem komunikasi politik, yakni fase ke 1, yang dilihat setelah usainya masa perang dunia ke II, lalu fase ke 2 pada tahun 1960’an dengan terbatasnya kehadiran media televisi secara nasional saat itu, dan terakhir sistem komunikasi politik dilihat pada fase ke 3 yang ditandai dengan makin banyaknya pilihan media massa sebagai sarana komunikasi politik.

Di kondisi fase 3 ini yang menarik adalah meskipun jenis media massa makin banyak, dan penggunaannya makin meluas, namun persoalan komunikasi personal tidak bisa dipisahkan begitu saja. Identitas sosial seseorang, maupun identitas sub kelompok tertentu makin berarti bagi banyak orang. Hal ini juga yang tampak jelas dalam kegiatan komunikasi politik di kedai kopi Aceh.

Situasi yang demikian unik yang terjadi pada kedai kopi di Aceh ini yang kemudian bisa dikategorikan bahwa kedai kopi tersebut merupakan salah satu saluran komunikasi politik, komponen ke tiga terpenting dalam komunikasi politik selain komponen komunikator, dan komunikan. Saluran komunikasi politik itu sendiri bisa didefinisikan dengan setiap pihak atau unsur yang memungkinan sampainya pesan-pesan politik (Muhtadi, 2008). Sebagai saluran komunikasi politik, kedai kopi di Aceh telah berhasil membawa posisi yang seimbang dan komunikasi dua arah antara komunikator dan komunikannya.

Simpulan

Meski media massa sudah banyak memberitakan keberadaan kedai kopi di Aceh, namun seringkali yang diberitakan hanya sisi gaya hidupnya saja, misalnya menyoroti kebiasaan masyarakat yang berlama-lama di kedai kopi. Sementara untuk sisi pendalaman pemberitaannya kuranglah diekspos. Meskipun ada juga satu dua media yang memberikan ”sinyal” bahwa semua rumor dan komunikasi politik bisa diawali dan dikaji dari perbincangan kedai kopi ini. Dari peristiwa dan pemberitaan media tersebut bisa dilihat bahwa proses interaksi di kedai kopi di Aceh, ternyata mengubah fungsi tempat minum kopi, dari sekadar warung kopi, menjadi sejenis ruang sosial.

Bahkan sebuah lembaga swadaya masyarakat di Aceh kemudian membuat diskusi rutin setiap bulan, dengan tajuk tertentu di sebuah kedai kopi, yang bisa diikuti oleh siapa saja, serta dengan narasumber dari berbagai lapisan masyarakat, baik dari pemerintahan maupun masyarakat sipil lainnya, baik dari Aceh maupun nara sumber yang sifatnya nasional. Kedai kopi menjadi tempat berinteraksi dan berkomunikasi antara semua lapisan masyarakat, baik masyarakat umum dan pejabat publik dengan beragam topik diskusi beragam dari sosial, budaya, ekonomi, dan terutama tentang politik.

Mengamati fenomena kedai kopi tentunya akan sangat menarik terutama bila di kaji dari sisi komunikasi politik. Misalnya saja kita akan makin tahu tentang bagaimana masyarakat Aceh melihat fungsi kedai kopi tersebut, termasuk apa saja yang diperbincangkan oleh masyarakat Aceh di kedai kopi ini. Kemudian dari sini pula kita bisa mengetahui siapa saja yang terlibat dalam perbincangan di kedai kopi tersebut, serta apakah perbincangan itu membawa pengaruh yang signifikan dalam cara berpikir dan tindakan masyarakat Aceh dalam memandang dan menjalani kehidupan sipil, politik, ekonomi, sosial dan budaya mereka.

Daftar Pustaka

Bourchier, David & Hadiz, Vedi R. 2003. Indonesian Politics and Society, A Reader. London: RoutledgeCurzon

Castells, Manuel. 2004. The Power of Identity. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing.

Habermas, Jurgen. 1984. The Theory of Communicative Action, Reason and Rationalization of Society. Volume One. Boston: Beacon Press Book.

Habermas, Jurgen. 1993. The Structural Transformation of The Public Sphere An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, Translated by Thomas Burger, Cambridge Massachusetts : MIT Press

Littlejohn, Stephen W. 2002. Theories of Human Communication. Seventh Edition. USA: Wadsworth Group.

Muhtadi, DR. Asep Saeful, MA. 2008. Komunikasi Politik Indonesia; Dinamika Islam Politik Pasca-Orde Baru. Bandung: PT. Remaja Rosdakarya.

Negrine, Ralph & Stanyer, James. 2007. The Political Communication Reader. Oxon: Routledge.

Nimmo, Dan. 2005. Komunikasi Politik; Komunikator, Pesan, dan Media. Bandung: PT. Remaja Rosdakarya.

Surat kabar dan Internet:

Surat Kabar Serambi Indonesa, Aceh, 9 Februari 2008

*Direktur dan Peneliti INDEPTH Indonesia, Tulisan ini dimuat di Jurnal CommLine, Dept. Ilmu Komunikasi, FISIP Universitas Al-Azhar Indonesia Vol. 1 No 1 Januari-Juni 2010.

Pemilu Burma 2010

oleh : Burmese Partnership

diterjemahkan oleh : Human Rights Working Group

Demokratisasi atau militarisasi ?

Dua puluh tahun setelah pembatalan hasil pemilu 1990, di mana sebagian besar rakyat Burma memberikan suara mereka untuk mengakhiri kekuasaan militer, rezim militer Burma tengah bersiap untuk mengadakan pemilu kembali. Dalam rangka itu, rezim ini telah meningkatkan serangan-serangan terhadap kelompok etnis, melanjutkan pemenjaraan Daw Aung San Suu Kyi dan para pemimpin oposisi lainnya, serta menuntut agar kelompok-kelompok gencatan senjata ditempatkan di bawah kendali angkatan bersenjata rezim.

Sementara masyarakat internasional tengah fokus pada upaya menciptakan proses pemilu yang ‘jujur dan adil’ mereka mengabaikan hambatan paling kritis dari demokratisasi Burma - Konstitusi 2008. Konstitusi yang akan dikukuhkan sebagai hasil dari pemilu 2010 ini, merupakan mekanisme kunci bagi para jenderal militer Burma untuk memastikan kendali mereka atas kekuasaan di bawah wajah ‘sipil’ yang baru.

Konstitusi yang disusun oleh militer tersebut menjamin makin kokohnya kekuasaan dominan mereka yang telah berurat dan berakar dengan menempatkan pejabat-pejabat angkatan bersenjata di posisi-posisi puncak kekuasaan dan di atas hukum, memberikan imunitas penuh untuk kejahatan-kejahatan di masa lalu dan mengukuhkan kontrol militer atas setiap aspek kehidupan rakyat. Setiap harapan bagi pemilu yang mengarah pada ‘perubahan bertahap’ dihancurkan dengan adanya kekuasaan militer untuk memveto amandemen konstitusi.

Penyusunan Konstitusi dan Referendum :Eksklusif, tidak demokratis dan tidak rekonsiliatif.

Asal muasal dari proses penyusunan konstitusi yang tidak demokratis ini terletak pada penolakan rezim untuk menghormati hasil pemilu Mei 1990, ketika National League for Democracy (Liga Demokrasi Nasional) pimpinan Daw Aung San Suu Kyi dan partai-partai oposisi etnis memenangkan lebih dari 80% kursi parlemen.

Proses Penyusunan

• Badan perancang konstitusi rezim – National Convention (Konvensi Nasional) yang diawali pada 1993 – menyisihkan partisipasi dari oposisi yang terpilih secara demokratis dan suara-suara independen dari masyarakat etnis.
• Proses perancangannya tidak demokratis, dilakukan secara rahasia, dan sangat dimanipulasi oleh militer.

Referendum Konstitusi 2008

• Sebagian besar rakyat belum melihat atau membaca konstitusi sebelum referendum. Siapapun yang mengkritik proses dan prinsip-prinsipnya dihadang hukuman penjara hingga 20 tahun.
• Segera setelah kerusakan besar akibat Badai Topan Nargis, yang menewaskan lebih dari 140.000 jiwa, rezim tetap melangsungkan referendum di tengah imbauan dari dalam dan luar negeri untuk menundanya.
• Rezim menggunakan ancaman, koersi, misinformasi, pengelabuan, dan kekerasan untuk mempengaruhi atau memaksa pemilih menyetujui rancangan konstitusi dengan hasil sebesar 92,4% yang sangat meragukan.
• Rezim menolak untuk mengizinkan pemantau asing dalam referendum, menolak tawaran PBB untuk pemantauan dan bantuan teknis.

The Devil is in the Details: Cacat-cacat fundamental dalam Konstitusi

Melanggar norma-norma HAM dan penegakan hukum internasional

• Alih-alih menjamin diangkat dan dilindunginya hak-hak asasi manusia, konstitusi 2008 memungkinkan militer melanggar hak-hak fundamental rakyat atas nama keamanan negara dan ketenteraman umum.
• Hal ini memberikan imunitas penuh bagi rezim untuk pelanggaran HAM di masa lalu juga pelanggaran di masa depan yang dilakukan selama ‘keadaan darurat”.
• Hal ini menempatkan militer di atas hukum, dengan tidak memberikan yurisdiksi di atas kekuatan militer kepada Mahkamah Agung.
• Memberikan kekuasaan kepada Panglima Angkatan bersenjarta untuk mempengaruhi penetapan ‘keadaan darurat’ dan penetapan darurat perang. Ini memungkinkan angkatan bersenjata untuk menjalankan kekuasaan selama kurun darurat perang.

Secara drastis jauh di bawah standar-standar internasional untuk kesetaraan jender.

• Hal ini mendiskualifikasi perempuan untuk menduduki jabatan-jabatan kekuasaan, mengkhususkan pos-pos tertentu bagi mereka dengan pengalaman militer, dan menyatakan sejumlah pos ‘hanya sesuai untuk laki-laki’ tanpa perincian lebih lanjut.

Menghalangi para pemimpin oposisi untuk menjabat.

• Konstitusi secara efektif menghalangi Daw Aung San Suu Kyi untuk menjadi presiden, juga para tahanan politik untuk mencalonkan diri dalam pemilu, dan mencegah partisipsai dari para pemimpin pro-demokrasi dan etnis kunci dalam pemilu.
• Saat ini terdapat lebih dari 2.100 tahanan politik di Burma dengan masa hukuman yang panjang sampai 106 tahun.

Menolak federalisme dan memusatkan kendali militer atas negar-negara bagian etnis.

• Konstitusi 2008 bukan merupakan solusi bagi rekonsiliasi antara militer dan kelompok bersenjata etnis dan masyarakat.
• Tidak ada pengakuan atas tuntutan kelompok-kelompok etnis selama ini terhadap kesetaran, penentuan nasib sendiri dan sebuah sistem federal. Konstitusi bahkan tidak mengakui keragaman etnis dan bahasa.
• Konstitusi mengukuhkan kendali militer atas wilayah-wilayah etnis, melalui perannya dalam menunjuk menteri-menteri utama di negara bagian dan menteri urusan perbatasan.
• Konstitusi membuat warga suku bangsa sangat sulit untuk menduduki posisi-posisi dengan kekuasaan yang penting, termasuk presiden.

Memperkokoh kekuasaan militer.

• Angkatan bersenjata akan mempertahankan perannya sebagai bagian integral dan permanen dari proses politik dan pemerintahan di setiap tingkatan. Tidak ada check and balances dalam sistem ini terhadap kekuasaan – kekuasaan yang dimiliki militer dan Panglima Angkatan Bersenjata, khususnya kendali penuh mereka atas kebijakan dan belanja pertahanan.
• Militer akan menguasai 25% kursi Parlemen Nasional, 25 % kursi Parlemen Negara Bagian dan regional, serta mengendalikan tiga departemen kunci: Departemen Pertahanan, Departmen Dalam Negeri dan Departemen Urusan-urusan Perbatasan.
• Konstitusi menjamin berlanjutnya penguasan militer melalui pembentukan dan posisi mayoritas dalam suatu Dewan Pertahanan dan Keamanan Nasional yang sangat kuat.
• Amandemen konstitusional tidak mungkin dilakukan tanpa persetujuan dari militer.

Konstitusi 2008 dan Pemilu 2010 : Bukan merupakan solusi bagi konflik-konflik di Burma

Secara internasional, diakui bahwa konstitusi yang disusun dan ditetapkan dalam situasi konflik atau pasca konflik harus dihasilkan dari negosiasi, rekonsiliasi dan pembangunan kepercayaan. Bila dikehendaki, ini akan berhasil. Sebuah konstitusi yang secara sistematis mengukuhkan ketidakadilan hanya akan memperpanjang konflik dan instabilitas di Burma yang secara etnis terpecah belah.

Pemerintahan yang dikuasai oleh militer yang sama akan terus mengabaikan prinsip-prinsip demokrasi, pembangunan sosial ekonomi, keberlanjutan lingkungan , kesetaraan jender dan isu-isu vital lainnya.

Pemilu 2010 di bawah aturan-aturan konstitusi militer 2008, tidak hanya akan gagal menjawab akar masalah dari krisis di Burma, namun juga akan kian menancapkan kekuasaan militer, menaburkan benih bagi instabilitas lebih lanjut dan konflik bersenjata.

Gerakan demokrasi dan hak-hak suku bangsa Burma telah menyuarakan tiga benchmark atau pengukuran kunci yang harus dipenuhi oleh rezim bila pemilu diharapkan menjadi langkah menuju demokratisasi.

1. Dibebaskannya semua tahanan politik.

2. Dihentikannya permusuhan terhadap kelompok etnis dan kekuatan-kekuatan pro demokrasi.

3. Dialog yang inklusif dengan para pemangku kepentingan kunci dari kelompok-kelompok demokrasi dan suku bangsa, termasuk kaji ulang atas Konstitusi 2008

Bila rezim tidak memenuhi benchmark ini, masyarakat internasional harus menyatakan pemilu sebagai tidak demokratis dan tidak mengakui hasil-hasilnya. Benchmark ini merupakan kondisi minimum yang harus dipenuhi dalam rangka memulai proses rekonsiliasi nasioanl dan demokratisasi sejati.

Siapa Kami ?

Kami, gerakan bagi demokrasi dan hak-hak suku bangsa, mewakili kerjasama yang memiliki basis paling luas dan bersifat multi etnis dari organisasi-organisasi opolitik dan masyarakat sipil di dalam negeri dan di pengasingan yang bekerja bagi rekonsiliasi nasional, perdamaian dan kebebasan di Burma.

1. National Council of the Union of Burma (NCUB)

2. Democratic Alliance of Burma (DAB)

3. National Democratic Front (NDF)

4. National League for Democracy – Liberated Area (NLD-LA)

5. Members of Parliamentary Union (MPU)

6. National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma (NCGUB)

7. Forum for Democracy in Burma (FDB)

8. Women’s League of Burma (WLB)

9. Students and Youth Congress of Burma (SYCB)

10. Nationalities Youth Forum (NYF)

Election Day Report International Observers

14 short term observers have been deployed in 5 provinces in the country since the 21st of January; this report presents the general trends observed by PAFFREL’s international observers during the pre-election period.

At 4 pm the 26th of January 2010 polling stations across Sri Lanka locked their doors and loaded ballot boxes into government provided vehicles. The fears, tensions and anxieties that paved the way to the 2010 election did not show on the Election Day that remained largely calm. In most places the streets were remarkably empty and shops were closed, the sense of a big happening was in the air. Reports from international observers island-wide reflected a peaceful environment, professional, obliging and prompt conduct on the part of government servants, and a relatively high voter turnout in southern, western and eastern provinces. Despite repeated propaganda violations during the pre-election period our monitors were happy to note an almost complete absence of print propaganda on the Election Day. People were sensed to be proud to vote for their candidate and make a difference. Though the concerns raised in the pre-election period remained and the observers expressed the need of safeguarding every process of the election through legal electoral justice and a very independent and powerful election commissioner.

Voter Participation

A big voter turnout was reported in most districts with the majority of voters visiting the polling stations early in the morning. However, citizens of Jaffna and the Vanni numbered very low and people did not think much into the election. Reports from the north reflected disturbing patterns where a lack of transportation proved to be a hindrance, especially for IDPs travelling to cluster polling stations. One instance was reported in Kilinochchi were busloads of IDPs had been waiting to vote since 6 am but were delayed and arrived at the polling station five minutes before the close of the poll, and were not able to cast their vote. The same was observed in Chettykulam were a huge number of IDP voters were not provided with adequate transport facilities, as earlier promised by the government. Many people waiting for ours went back home without voting due to the long waiting time. Concern was raised that the number of voters not being able to vote due to this reason was very high.

Security

Observers reported several cases were a sense of fear and intimidation was exposed at the presence of heavily armed security personnel inside the polling stations.

In Vavuniya small cases of grenade attack and threats to opposition supporters were reported as well as threats to opposition supporters. Several grenade attacks, including one thrown on a polling station were reported from Jaffna. The concern was raised that this may make people hesitant to vote. In Batticaloa it was reported that supporters of the UPFA tried to disrupt polls and in Kandy the chasing away of polling agents and voters from polling stations was reported.

Voter Identity

The appallingly low voter turnout of IDPs, and the consistent lack of proper, identification were reported by observers to be a serious issue. It was observed that a substantive number of IDPs and resettled in the Vanni had not received their ID-cards, and the overall possession of ID-cards in this district was very low.

In northern Trincomalee incidents of double voting was observed with people registered vote at several polling stations. One matter was reported by our international team to the SPO and the police who ultimately denied the voter, though in other cases when pointed out to the respective SPO and Grama Nilhadari they were very ignorant about the matter. One instance in Hambantota was reported where a woman came to vote just to find out that her vote had already been cast by someone else.

The procedure of accepting ID-cards varied and in some cases people with the Grama Niladaris were incorrectly accepted whereas in other places people with proper identification were reported as not allowed to cast their vote. One rejected voter with temporary id-card was found by the team in the cluster station in Kilinochchi.

Voter Education

It was found that many voters in the Vanni were confused about the need to produce proper identification. Many voters were observed asking for help as how to vote, how to mark and many seemed unaware of the 3 preferential system. In the entire Vanni district people were confused about the location of their polling stations and some voters were found moving around, having a hard time trying to locate the right polling station including their name. This was not the issue in most other areas where only minor instances of confusions occurred.

The Voting Process

With regards to the polling stations monitors expressed concerns that the voters’ privacy was compromised by the positioning of the voting booth. The voting booths were in most cases visible from the desk of the presiding officers and in one case even from outside through a window. In some stations this was explained to be because officials should be able to ensure that the ballot paper was not taken away by the voter and handed to those outside.

Although almost all polling stations were located on the ground floor disability access (particularly wheel chair access) was only observed in specific locations.

Unused ballot papers were kept inside an envelope which was wrapped and sealed after the closing of the polling station. However, the monitors expressed concern that the unused ballot papers were not counted, and also that there is no way to ensure that the ballot boxes will not be changed on the way to the counting station, since only police and polling agents are allowed to follow. This concern was also observed among people gathered outside the polling stations. In Trincomalee some outstation ballot boxes were transported by helicopter, with no one being able to observe the transport.

It was found that in Neddakkulam IDP camp only 182 ballot papers were given though the SPO stated that 332 voters were possessing ID-cards, but would not be able to vote their due to the lack of ballot papers.

One positive thing observed in Kandy was that when the police and polling agents left with the ballot boxes supporters of both candidates lit fire crackers and celebrated together that the election was over.

State of Emergency

People in Vavuniya mentioned that the State of Emergency is not necessary anymore and the election should have been taken place without the State of Emergency since it caused panic among them.

Post-Election

Post-election violence was a concern expressed in Batticaloa and Kandy. There is a strong presence of STF, Police and Army ready to address any tension or violence.

In Asia

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• Connecting Philanthropy and Aid for Pakistan’s Flood Survivors
• Can Tragedy Trigger Sex Education Reform in Malaysia?
• Shanghai Expo and Memories Conjured
• Event: Remembering Afghan Women

Connecting Philanthropy and Aid for Pakistan’s Flood Survivors Posted: 18 Aug 2010 05:03 PM PDT By Birger Stamperdahl In the farmland regions of Pakistan’s southern Punjab, what used to be fields are now covered with water. Acknowledged as the worst humanitarian crisis in Pakistan’s history, flooding that began three weeks ago in northwestern Pakistan has now displaced more than 20 million people. Pakistani families carry their belongs in search of higher ground. Over the past three weeks, more than 20 million people have been displaced from flooding. Photo credit: Daniel Berehulak/Getty Images Bringing together Give2Asia’s private donor community and The Asia Foundation’s program expertise in Pakistan, the two organizations are working to attract much-needed philanthropy and aid for flood survivors. United Nations officials report that the total number of people affected by the floods exceeds the combined number of those affected by the 2004 Andaman Sea tsunami, the 2005 Pakistan earthquake, and the 2010 Haiti earthquake. Yet, surprisingly, the event has drawn relatively little international donor support. While visiting Pakistan’s hardest-hit areas on Sunday, UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said this is the worst disaster he has ever seen and strongly urged the world to step up its assistance. Approximately 750,000 homes have been damaged, and 2.6 million acres of cropland, along with roads and bridges, are destroyed, which makes availability and delivery of essential goods difficult. Riots and protests have already broken out in parts of the country due to the slow delivery of aid. One reason for the slow response to date may be the low death toll relative to total damage. An estimated 1,600 people are dead, but many more are at risk. Yet, with minimal humanitarian funding to deliver health care and clean water to survivors, the UN warned that at least 3.5 million children are at high risk of deadly waterborne diseases, such as cholera. More casualties are predicted in the coming days and weeks as additional rains and increased flooding are forecast. Flood Relief Fund Launched Last week, Give2Asia launched its Pakistan Flood Relief Fund, with initial investments of $35,000 from individual donors. Additional investments are expected from corporations and corporate foundations. The Asia Foundation’s office in Pakistan is directly involved with procuring relief items in bulk and transporting goods to local partners in affected locations. With Give2Asia’s relief fund, donors can help affected families in Nowshera and Swat, the worst-hit areas in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province (formerly known as North-West Frontier Province). Partner Organizations Initial assessment by The Asia Foundation has resulted in three local partners to support the relief and recovery effort. They will work to deliver relief packages to approximately 4,000 survivors. Relief packages will include necessities such as rice, salt, sugar, flour, dates, petroleum jelly, cotton rolls, mosquito repellent lotion, and water purification tablets. Local partners include: Aurat Foundation (Aurat): Aurat will distribute aid packages via its network of 30 existing child protection centers in Swat, which are currently helping displaced victims of the flood. Aurat has extensive experience responding to natural disasters in Pakistan. In response to the 2005 earthquake in northwest Pakistan and to the heavy flooding that took place in the south and southwestern parts of the country in 2007, Aurat provided provisions of relief items, as well as support services for thousands of displaced women and children in affected areas. With their past experience in disaster response and relief work, Aurat is well positioned to monitor appropriate distribution and ensure that supplies are not being used for any other purposes. Pattan Development Organization (Pattan): In Punjab, Pattan will distribute packages to local relief committees that would then direct them to the affected families. Pattan has been working in Punjab since 1992 when the region faced severe flooding. Based on that 1992 expertise, Pattan became a focal organization of the Asian Disaster Risk Reduction Network, the leading coalition of its kind in the region. Through that affiliation, Pattan has trained over 300 employees of various government ministries and NGOs on responding to such disaster situations. URDO: URDO has been setting up various health camps and free medical services following the flooding in Nowshera, where it will distribute relief packages. URDO has been working in Nowshera since 1999 and has been implementing various programs on education, governance, health, and capacity building in Nowshera District. It was actively involved in relief and rehabilitation work during the 2005 earthquake and the conflict crisis that displaced several thousand people in the region last year. Learn more about Give2Asia’s Pakistan Flood Relief Fund. Birger Stamperdahl is the Director of Marketing & Partnerships for Give2Asia. He can be reached at bstamperdahl@asiafound.org.

Can Tragedy Trigger Sex Education Reform in Malaysia? Posted: 18 Aug 2010 05:02 PM PDT By Anthea Mulakala Last week, the Malaysian Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development reported three more incidents of “baby dumping” in a 24-hour period, bringing the total to 60 abandoned babies this year. Many of these children have been found in dumpsters and toilets. In hopes of deterring such incidents, Malaysia's Cabinet has recently requested that the police start classifying baby dumping investigations as attempted murder, or if found with intent, murder. But critics say capital punishment is not the answer. Rather, says Women’s Aid Organisation President Ivy Josiah, sex education and better access to help for pregnant mothers is what's needed. On the prevention side, the Malaysian Government is considering introducing sex education into the core syllabus of Malaysian national schools. This announcement –which isn't the first time they've considered this addition to the curriculum – from Deputy Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, who is also education minister, acknowledges that the problems surrounding abandoned babies stem from a lack of reliable information on reproductive and sexual health among youth. Datuk Seri Shahrizat Abdul Jalil, Minister of Women, Family and Community Development, says a lack of sex education in Malaysia has led to an increase in sexual assault cases, unwanted pregnancies, and abandoned babies. She says if the schools don’t teach it, kids turn to the Internet and other dubious sources. The two ministries have now set up a technical committee of experts to guide the process and decide whether to include sex education as an extra-curricular subject or incorporate it into the existing academic syllabus. At present, sex education in Malaysia is taught in bits and pieces from primary to secondary school. In 2009, Shahrizat’s ministry introduced a pilot “sex education” co-curricular module titled “I'm in Control,” jointly developed by the Women, Family and Community Development Ministry, the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA), and various NGOs, the module has been rolled out in five secondary schools in Kuala Lumpur, Selangor, Penang, Kelantan, and Pahang. The pilot has already demonstrated a significant increase in awareness as well as better knowledge and attitude among the participating students, according to Minister Shahrizat. It was hoped that this pilot program would lay the foundation for a wider scale program. The new initiative announced by the deputy prime minister last week is expected to provide more comprehensive coverage. Minister Shahrizat has stressed that the new module must include the basics of reproductive and sexual health so young people understand how their bodies work. Furthermore, youth should be aware of communicable diseases like HIV/AIDS and STDs. A key challenge, however, is lack of professional training among Malaysian teachers on the sex education curriculum and how to convey it effectively to their students. This long-debated initiative to introduce sex education in Malaysia continues to face fierce resistance, mainly from conservative religious groups. Datuk Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat, the spiritual leader of Malaysia’s main opposition party, PAS, has likened the teaching of sex education to “teaching thieves how to steal properly.” A long-standing opponent of the concept of sex education, his opinion continues to influence the Malay Muslim majority. Sensitive to their opposition, the deputy prime minster suggested that sex education be incorporated into the biology or science syllabus. Regardless of differing opinions on the concept of sex education, the baby dumping tragedy has compelled the Malaysian Government to take a stand and consider a course of action. Hopefully they will do so before another baby is found in a dumpster or a teenage girl is sent to the gallows. Anthea Mulakala is The Asia Foundation’s Country Representative in Malaysia. She can be reached at amulakala@asiafound.org.

Shanghai Expo and Memories Conjured Posted: 18 Aug 2010 05:01 PM PDT By John J. Brandon Recently I attended the Shanghai Expo, which has been labeled as “the biggest expo ever.” China spared no expense spending $55 billion – more than twice the amount Beijing spent on the 2008 Olympics – to ensure that people could get to the Expo by adding metro lines, airport terminals, railway stations, and other infrastructure. China's pavilion at the Shanghai 2010 Expo is three times taller than any other country pavilion. Photo used under a Creative Commons license. By the time it ends in October, Chinese officials anticipate 70 million people will have passed through the Expo’s turnstiles. Even if there were no long lines, it is absolutely impossible to see everything in one day. With 192 countries represented, one could easily spend a week at the Shanghai Expo. The only other Expo I ever attended was as a 10-year-old boy at the Expo ‘67 in Montreal. I remember visiting “Habitat 67,” a form of architecture that was designed to depict how modern apartment living in crowded cities would be in the future. I thought “Habitat 67″ looked ugly, though I was impressed by the plush blue wall-to-wall carpeting, something I had never seen before. I also remember visiting a number of country pavilions, particularly France, Ethiopia, Japan, and Thailand. But when I think of world expositions I can’t help but think about the 1964-65 New York World’s Fair. (Up until the late 1960s, most world expositions were referred to as fairs, but are now more commonly referred to as expos.) As an 8-year-old, I was enthralled by the “Futurama” show at the General Motors pavilion which took people in moving chairs to show what life would be like in the year 2024: from what it would be like to vacation at an underwater hotel, to living on the lunar base of another planet. This was at the time of the great space race to see who would send the first man to the moon, America or the Soviet Union. There was also the “City of the Future” where the streets moved, so people would not have to walk. I remember also watching in awe as a lifelike robot of Abraham Lincoln recited the Gettysburg Address, and going past Michelangelo’s Pieta in the Vatican pavilion. In the mid-1960s, America was feeling good about itself and understandably so, as we were a great power and our economy was strong. What better place to hold the World’s Fair than in New York, when the city was at the height of its economic power and world prestige? Although President Kennedy had been assassinated less than a year before, Americans were not yet facing the escalation of the war in Vietnam, other political assassinations, or the increasing struggle for civil rights. In 1964-65, I visited the New York World’s Fair seven times. I spent five days in Montreal at Expo 67. On this trip to Shanghai, I was there for only five hours but wanted to make sure I visited at least two pavilions: China and the United States. I spent over 90 minutes in the China pavilion, a striking, massive, inverted red pyramid with hints of a modernized Forbidden City. It is three times taller than any other pavilion at the Expo, with exhibits from 31 of the country’s provinces, autonomous regions, municipalities, and special administrative regions. The pavilion portrays China as a nation wanting to do things bigger and better, with a particular focus on its modernization and development over the past three decades, while at the same time, harking back to China’s 5,000 year-long history. Shanxi province touts its production of LED lamps and methanol-fueled vehicles and other advances in science and technology, while Xianjiang touts itself as a “harmonious land” – an intentional effort to put behind the ethnic tensions that flared between the Uyghurs and Hans in 2008 and 2009. While the other provincial exhibits didn’t stand out as much for me, Hebei province, site of the Great Tangshan Earthquake of 1976 that killed 250,000 people, was an exception. The exhibit featured a short, computer-animated movie whose main character is named “Phoenix One.”  “Phoenix One” is a cloned man who finds himself living in Tangshan in 2076. He is both confused and awestruck by all the technological advances made since the earthquake reduced his town to rubble 100 years earlier. The film goes back and forth between 2076, 1976, and today. The story illustrates how Tangshan has literally risen like a phoenix from the rubble and that its people have not only endured and survived, but have thrived. Taiwan had its own separate pavilion next to the mainland China pavilion. A decade ago, Taiwan would likely not have even had a pavilion because of its strained relationship with the mainland. However, with improved cross-strait relations under Ma Ying-jeou’s administration in Taiwan particularly in the area of economics and trade (as evidenced by the recent signing of the Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement), there are now direct flights between Taipei and Shanghai and increasingly more and more Taiwanese are visiting the mainland, and vice-versa. As a goodwill gesture, each family coming from Taiwan to attend the Shanghai Expo is given one free pass. Although I found some of the Chinese provinces’ exhibitions weaker than others (and I did not have the opportunity to visit the top floor of the China pavilion), I found the United States pavilion disappointing all around. What I liked most were the three young American college students who are studying Chinese greeting people in Chinese. Two of the three students were African-American and, given that few Chinese have any interaction with African-Americans, I thought this was very positive. There is a short film where Americans from many walks of life say hello and a couple of other polite phrases in Chinese. Some people are well known, such as Kobe Bryant and Magic Johnson, while others are simply American citizens, like Con Edison workers in downtown Manhattan. I thought this was a nice way for the U.S. to recognize China’s importance economically, politically, and culturally. The rest of the pavilion left quite a bit to be desired. In one section, a short film called “The Garden” was shown. The thrust of the story was how a young girl got other people of all ages and races to work together to create a garden in a drab, urban area. I found the film boring, and from the audience’s reaction, most Chinese people felt the same way. Given the considerable investment made by America’s corporate giants, including Chevron, McDonald’s, and more than 50 other companies, perhaps they could have hired the Children’s Television Workshop and had Sesame Street characters in the film which may have been more recognizable to Chinese audiences since Sesame Street is broadcast in China. The last room near the gift shop consisted largely of advertisements for companies like Motorola, FedEx, and Visa that funded the pavilion. The gift shop sold tee-shirts that said “I Love the USA Pavilion: Shanghai 2010,” straw hats, stuffed teddy bears and American bison, and pins. All of these products were made in China. The only thing I found which wasn’t made in China were boxes of Wisconsin ginseng. Sadly, the United States pavilion lacked a sense of vision of what the future might be like; something the U.S. has been characterized as having over the last several decades. Perhaps because I was a young boy at the impressionable age of eight, I regard the New York World’s Fair much more highly. I was proud of American astronauts, impressed by the “city of the future” and the technological advances they encompassed, but most of all, I remember that palpable optimism held by many Americans then, something I don’t believe exists today. What I was able to see of the Shanghai Expo made me think it was more a government- and corporate-sponsored theme park than a great exposition of lasting impression such as the ones held in Paris and Chicago in the late 19th century. Nonetheless, the Shanghai Expo is important to the Chinese national psyche and its people should be proud of their nation’s economic and development achievements over the past three decades. I am sure there are plenty of 8-year-old Chinese children fascinated by the exhibits and country pavilions like I was in New York in the mid-1960s. John J. Brandon is The Asia Foundation’s Director of International Relations Programs in Washington, D.C. His visits to the New York World’s Fair in 1964-65 contributed greatly to his interest in the world and other cultures. He can be reached at jbrandon@asiafound-dc.org.

Event: Remembering Afghan Women Posted: 18 Aug 2010 05:00 PM PDT On Sunday, the world watched while the Taliban executed a young couple who had eloped by stoning them to death. The couple said they’d eloped because the young woman was promised in an arranged marriage to a relative of her lover, and she did not want to marry him. Nader Nadery, a senior commissioner on the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission, said in the New York Times, “We've seen a big increase in intimidation of women and more strict rules on women.” A recent Time Magazine cover story about a young woman maimed by the Taliban and recent opinion-editorials published by Human Rights Watch’s Rachel Reid and Tom Malinowski, have also served as reminders of the precarious status and future of Afghan women. Following the overthrow of the misogynistic Taliban regime in Afghanistan, the situation for women seemed to enter a promising era. A Ministry of Women was established, and a new constitution guaranteed women 25-percent representation in the legislature. But progress has been stymied in Afghanistan. Women represent half of Afghanistan’s society, yet 85 percent of them have no formal education and only one percent of girls in rural communities attend school; nearly 79 percent of women are illiterate. Maternal mortality rates in Afghanistan remain among the world’s highest. On average, Afghan women give birth to seven children and one out of every 62 women dies during childbirth – in some regions the number is as high as one in 16. With a Taliban resurgence, women today are being threatened, attacked, and forced out of jobs and schools, especially in the southeast. In the meantime, dedicated organizations continue to actively work to promote women’s development and institutionalize women’s rights in Afghan society. In the midst of debate over security and political solutions for an exit from Afghanistan, what can be done to ensure that these positive efforts toward Afghan women’s development continue? Join RAND Corporation’s senior international policy analyst Olga Oliker and Katherine Brown, Truman National Security Project fellow, former communications advisor at the U.S. Embassy in Kabul, and former Asia Foundation staff member, on Monday, August 23 for a discussion at the Commonwealth Club on the status and future of Afghan women, and what we can do to help in the short and long-term. Register for the event.

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In Asia

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• Citizens and Poll Workers Declare First Automated Elections in Philippines a Success, but Flaws Remain
• No Winners from the Sinking of the Cheonan
• Duch Verdict Announced in Cambodia: Public Forum Brings Together Victims of Khmer Rouge
• Asia Foundation Trustee David Lampton Awarded Scalapino Prize for Paper on U.S.-China Relations
• What Political Settlements Mean for International Development
• Supporting Business Development in Rural Bangladesh: Role of Reliable Information in Policy Reforms
• [VIDEO] Barriers Challenge Bangladesh’s Promising Local Business Growth

Citizens and Poll Workers Declare First Automated Elections in Philippines a Success, but Flaws Remain Posted: 04 Aug 2010 04:06 PM PDT By Steven Rood Last week, two separate quantitative studies on the May 10 elections underscored the striking gains demonstrated by automating the elections; however, evidence remains of serious deficiencies in the electoral process. Some entertain more fundamental doubts, but survey readings of the opinions of ordinary voters, systematic study of the experience of poll workers, and an official parallel “random manual audit” all show gains. June SWS surveys declared the first automated elections in the Philippines a success, despite some glitches with the new scanning machines, above. Social Weather Stations, the leading non-governmental polling organization in the Philippines, on July 28 released the results of June surveys sponsored by The Asia Foundation on experience of both citizens and (separately) poll workers, known as BEIs (for Board of Election Inspectors). Citizen satisfaction with the general conduct of elections jumped from the low 50s for the 2004 and 2007 elections to 75 percent in 2010. The believability of results for senator, congressional representative, governor, and mayor all increased. Judgment that the Commission on Elections (COMELEC) had honestly counted the votes leapt from 55 percent after the 2007 elections to 83 percent in 2010. In short, belief that there had been “cheating at some level, not limited to the precinct level” dropped from 47 percent in 2007 to (a still worrisome) 34 percent in 2010. The Filipino electorate's stubborn adherence to elections (77 percent think that “elections are a good way of making the government pay attention to what the people think”) seems vindicated. The results of a separate scientific sample survey of 480 BEIs parallel the data about citizen opinion. Satisfaction with the general conduct of the elections went up from 78 percent in 2007 to 90 percent in 2010. Eighty-four percent of these polling place workers said that the 2010 elections were better than the 2007 elections. On July 29 a technical working group (which included the Parish Pastoral Council for Responsible Voting and the National Statistical Office) released to the media the results of the Random Manual Audit. The Manual Audit was accomplished by randomly selecting five precincts from each of the 229 legislative districts (a total of 1,145 precincts) on election day and sending special teams of BEIs to those precincts. The ballot boxes were opened, and votes counted by hand to compare the tally produced by the Precinct Count Optical Scan (PCOS) machines and automatically transmitted to canvassing stations. The result of the re-count showed a 99.6 percent accuracy. The most significant problem found was in one precinct in Manila, where the scanned images of the ballots had a line through them that was not on the original ballots – possibly caused by physical contamination in the scanner, which caused some discrepancies in the vote count for mayor of that city. While this provided fodder for the election protest of a losing candidate in that contest, the COMELEC adjudged the accuracy within the 99 percent range overall. This is not to say that the election process was flawless. In particular, buying of votes was rampant, with 15 percent of voters saying they personally witnessed it and 24 percent saying they heard about it from reliable sources. This dovetails with the report of the election watchdog group, National Movement for Free Elections (NAMFREL), which in its terminal report on the May elections discussed how vote-buying seemed to have been shifted from “wholesale” (affecting how votes were counted and aggregated) to “retail” influence of individual voters. Still, the May 2010 elections represented a distinct improvement over the past. 65 percent of citizens felt that the use of the PCOS machines lessened cheating in the counting of votes. It seems that this is true even in the most challenging of situations. In Maguindanao, where the infamous massacre took place last November 2009, the clan head of the alleged perpetrators, Datu Andal Ampatuan, ran for vice governor. He was defeated by neophyte Ismael Mastura, who was the running mate of victorious candidate (now governor) Esmael Mangudadatu, whose relatives were the victims of the massacre. Vice Governor Mastura said that he would never have beaten Datu Andal without the speed of electronic counting of votes and transmission of votes, which prevented all post-election cheating. Steven Rood is The Asia Foundation’s Country Representative for the Philippines and Pacific Island Nations. He can be reached at srood@asiafound.org.

No Winners from the Sinking of the Cheonan Posted: 04 Aug 2010 04:05 PM PDT By Scott Snyder Two months ago, the sinking of the South Korean corvette Cheonan appeared to mark a turning point in inter-Korean relations. The South Korean interim investigation identified a North Korean torpedo as the cause of the sinking, providing South Korea and the United States with a strong case to take the issue to the UN Security Council and hold North Korea accountable for its actions. But the July 10 UN Presidential Statement failed to explicitly hold North Korea accountable. This series of events has turned out to represent a setback for all concerned. Despite close coordination with the United States – most recently evidenced by the 2+2 in Seoul during which Secretary Clinton and Secretary Gates reaffirmed with their South Korean counterparts the closeness of the alliance, followed by the “Invincible Spirit” naval exercises – South Korea has failed to make North Korea pay a price for its actions and has over-reached in its efforts to mobilize international condemnation of Pyongyang. Read the full piece on the Council on Foreign Relations blog Asia Unbound. Scott Snyder directs The Asia Foundation’s Center for U.S.-Korea Policy. He can be reached at ssnyder@asiafound-dc.org.

Duch Verdict Announced in Cambodia: Public Forum Brings Together Victims of Khmer Rouge Posted: 04 Aug 2010 04:04 PM PDT By Gavin Tritt Last week, after much anticipation, the Extraordinary Chambers in the Court of Cambodia (ECCC) issued the verdict in case 001 in the Khmer Rouge Tribunal. The trial found Kaing Guek Eav, commonly known under his alias “Duch” – the warden of Tuol Sleng prison, or S-21 – guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity. The guilty verdict was not a surprise, but the sentence – 35 years, reduced for time served to 19 years – surprised some, and enraged others who said it wasn’t long enough for someone who had admitted to overseeing the torture and deaths of 16,000 people. The process of the first trial, criticized as being marred by corruption, political manipulation, infighting within the court, and other issues, has not been perfect, but the verdict has tremendous meaning for people in Cambodia. Case 002, the trial of Nuon Chea, known as “Brother Number 2,” and three other surviving key Khmer Rouge leaders, is slated to begin next year. The Asia Foundation continues to support public education efforts in Cambodia, such as a recent public forum, organized by the Center for Justice & Reconciliation, which brought together Khmer Rouge victims, Tuol Sleng survivors, and members of the ECCC to discuss the advent of the Duch verdict. CJR founder Theary Seng blogs about the event. Events like these are important to long-term reconciliation efforts in Cambodia. They also raise awareness of the younger generation in Cambodia, among whom the history of the Khmer Rouge period is not well known. At such a historic moment for Cambodia, and with such strong memories and emotions in the room, it was inspiring to be in a conference hall with hundreds of university students learning the history of Cambodia first-hand from the victims and survivors of the Khmer Rouge. Gavin Tritt is The Asia Foundation’s Country Representative in Cambodia. He can be reached at gtritt@asiafound.org.

Asia Foundation Trustee David Lampton Awarded Scalapino Prize for Paper on U.S.-China Relations Posted: 04 Aug 2010 04:03 PM PDT “The U.S.-China relationship is fundamentally stable and will remain so for the foreseeable future,” begins David Lampton, Asia Foundation trustee and director of China Studies at The Johns Hopkins School for Advanced International Studies, in his new paper “Power Constrained: Sources of Mutual Strategic Suspicion in U.S-China Relations.” “This is so because the relationship is anchored in the two societies’ respective preoccupations with their own domestic problems, the United States’ draining commitments elsewhere, and the requirement for cooperation on transnational issues such as proliferation, global production chain security, energy, the environment, stabilizing the world economy, and many other positive-sum opportunities.” Dr. Lampton was recently awarded the prestigious Scalapino Prize for this landmark paper in recognition of his contributions to America’s understanding of the vast changes underway in Asia from the National Bureau of Asian Research (NBR) and the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars at the Asia Policy Assembly. A full version of Dr. Lampton’s paper can be downloaded from NBR’s website.

What Political Settlements Mean for International Development Posted: 04 Aug 2010 04:02 PM PDT By Thomas Parks and William S. Cole The impact of international development assistance depends, to a large extent, on the ability and willingness of development actors to factor the political landscape into aid programs. It is not uncommon to hear of carefully conceived development programs, meticulously and thoughtfully designed with ample funding, that have been undermined by powerful local actors with other agendas. This same story is heard across the whole spectrum of development work. Programs that mobilize civil society or grass roots community groups to advocate for pro-poor reforms often fall short when faced with heavy resistance by powerful elite actors. In post-conflict environments, newly established state institutions that are designed with world class technical assistance to reflect state-of-the-art best practice do not function the way they were intended. Even when institutional reforms appear successful at the end of a project, in many cases, within a few years the institutions have become dysfunctional or co-opted by powerful elites. What all this suggests is that the process of development is fundamentally shaped by powerful political, economic, and security actors in aid-recipient countries. These actors use their influence to shape and control formal governance institutions, policies, and the distribution of development assistance to advance their interests. The international development community has been grappling with these problems for decades, but in searching for ways to improve aid effectiveness, we have often been looking in the wrong direction. The fundamental problem that undermines aid effectiveness across a broad range of development work is the assumption that poor governance, dysfunctional institutions, conflict, and fragile conditions can be fixed through the transfer of knowledge or technical assistance. The roles of powerful actors who are using their influence to prevent change are typically treated as external to assistance programs or are ignored altogether. The political settlements framework is a new conceptual approach for international development organizations to better understand and respond to this reality and the challenges that result from political dynamics in developing countries. This framework allows policy-makers and development practitioners to understand how development is driven by competition among elite groups, as an alternative to development approaches that focus on capacity-building or technical assistance. The political settlements concept is particularly relevant for countries affected by protracted conflict or fragile conditions. Political settlements can often be the primary factor in determining the success or failure of statebuilding and peacebuilding efforts. Focus on political settlements by the international development community raises important questions about the appropriate role of international donors in seeking to influence these internal dynamics. Is it legitimate for international actors to influence political settlements in aid recipient countries? In many contexts, donor assistance already has a significant influence on political settlements, at times strengthening and further entrenching settlements that can be highly exclusionary, destabilizing, or not conducive to development at all. Development assistance programs can create winners and losers in political terms, and the allocation of aid benefits can be heavily influenced by the political interests of those in power. By ignoring these problems, we may be contributing to corruption, impunity, and weak government legitimacy, and slowing down the process of change. There is a critical need to develop a set of parameters or limits on what is an acceptable level of influence by international actors in the political settlements of aid-recipient countries. Influencing political settlements does not mean manipulation of local politics, or instigation of regime change. But without clear definitions and limits, the line between legitimate levels of influence and sovereignty infringement can become blurred, and the conduct of international development actors will be called into question. In a new paper, published as part of The Asia Foundation's “Occasional Paper” series, we help translate these concepts into principles, strategies, and guidelines for action by donors and other development assistance organizations. This paper – “Political Settlements: Implications for International Development Policy and Practice” – presents a set of practical approaches for international development organizations to improve their positive influence on political settlements. These approaches illustrate the variety of ways in which development assistance can be designed or modified using the political settlements framework to improve development outcomes. While the long-term objective may be to support inclusive, stable, and developmental political settlements, the path to this ideal may be necessarily circuitous. Development organizations may need to adapt their strategies to promote the best-case scenario in the short term, while investing in long-term programs that will promote inclusiveness, development, and stability. Download the full paper. William S. Cole is The Asia Foundation’s Senior Director for Governance, Law, and Civil Society. Thomas Parks is The Asia Foundation’s Regional Director for Conflict and Governance based in Thailand. They can be reached at bcole@asiafound.org and tparks@asiafound.org, respectively.

Supporting Business Development in Rural Bangladesh: Role of Reliable Information in Policy Reforms Posted: 04 Aug 2010 04:01 PM PDT By Véronique Salze-Lozac’h, Nina Merchant-Vega, and Syed Al-Muti Any casual observer walking through the heart of a district capital like Bangladesh’s northeastern city of Sylhet or Rangpur, further north, would be impressed by the bustling economic activity. In the early morning, streets are filled with colorful trucks honking their way toward the market place. Their paths are crossed by overloaded rickshaws delivering raw materials to nearby tailors and small manufacturers. Despite such signs of a vibrant economy, doing business in Bangladesh is far from easy. In Bangladesh, business people, such as this shop worker, face basic challenges that stunt their growth potential, including cumbersome administrative procedures and lack of transparency from authorities. In Bangladesh, where The Asia Foundation works with micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs) at the district level, business people often complain about cumbersome administrative procedures, unfair tax administrations, obsolete regulations, and an overall lack of transparency from authorities. As a poultry farmer in Rajshahi recently expressed, “If the government offices do not have copies of laws, regulations, or circulars, then how will they help us? And where would we seek help in solving our problems?” Often, the first interaction local MSMEs have with the public sector is at the local level. Thus, the role of local public authorities and public officials is key to providing a business environment that favors business development. However, local authorities are often perceived as being unaware of the difficulties faced by local enterprises. For the first time in Bangladesh, business people from 19 districts across the country were asked to express their opinions on their local business environments. The results –complemented with data from published sources – were combined into the just-released 2010 Bangladesh Economic Governance Index (EGI) which ranks the districts according to the quality of their business enabling environment. The EGI assesses and ranks localities on specific aspects of their regulatory environments. Using a rigorous methodology pioneered by The Asia Foundation, the 2010 EGI is comprised of 10 sub-indices – such as entry costs, transparency, and informal charges – that are relevant to Bangladesh’s local business environment. The Asia Foundation worked with a local research institute, Data International, based in Bangladesh, which interviewed more than 3,800 firms of all sizes and all sectors to collect the data needed to construct the indices and sub-indices. The survey respondents were selected randomly from a listing of 55,736 formal and informal enterprises, from the 19 districts. This listing, conducted by Data International prior to the survey, shows that Bangladesh’s economy is dominated by micro-enterprises. More than 97 percent of these firms employ less than 10 workers and less than 1 percent of firms have 20 or more employees. Seventy percent are in wholesale and retail trade activities, while the remaining firms are engaged in manufacturing services. The listing also confirms that the private sector in Bangladesh is dominated by men, with less than half of one percent of firms owned by women. The survey reveals that the overall ranking of the 19 districts in the EGI indicates clear “high” performers (Faridpur, Dinajpur, and Kushtia) and “low” performers (Tangail, Chittagong, Barisal, and Rajshahi). However, about 42 percent of the districts are clustered in the “medium” category, indicating that with some effort, these districts could easily climb up the rankings. The EGI also provides specific information on each of the sub-indices in the composite index. For example, the entry cost sub-index (covering both time and monetary costs), shows a huge difference in performance between the top district of Patuakhali (reaching 8.47 on a scale of 10), and the capital city of Dhaka (lagging behind with a score of just over 3 points). In Patuakhali, firms never wait more than three days to obtain a trade license or a VAT certificate, while it can take up to 20 days for the low-performing districts. Another example shows how implementation of reforms can improve districts’ performance in the area of transparency and access to information. On the transparency sub-index, the western district of Kushtia scores very high with almost eight points, indicating that it provides easy access to documents to its business community. On the other hand, the bottom seven districts all scored four points or lower, revealing that many districts have problems with transparency-related issues. With targeted reform efforts, these districts could improve their ranking with little effort. These examples show how the EGI provides an opportunity for the private sector and the national and local authorities to better understand the strengths and weaknesses of each district and to identify good practices across districts. Using the EGI, government officials, businesses, and other stakeholders will be better positioned to build strategic public-private partnerships to address weak links and advocate for priority reforms. For business owners, like the poultry farmer in Rajshahi, these reforms will be key to building a healthier business environment. The Bangladesh EGI is part of the Local Economic Governance Program – Enhancing the Sustainability and Stakeholder Ownership of Investment Climate Reforms in Bangladesh – implemented by The Asia Foundation with BICF funding. BICF is managed by IFC, in partnership with the United Kingdom’s Department for International Development and the European Union. Véronique Salze-Lozac’h is The Asia Foundation’s Regional Director for Economic Programs in Cambodia, Nina Merchant-Vega is Assistant Director of the Economic Reform and Development Program in San Francisco, and Syed Al-Muti is the Project Director for the Local Economic Governance Program in Bangladesh. They can be reached at vsalze-lozach@asiafound.org, nmerchant@asiafound.org, and salmuti@asiafound.org, respectively.

[VIDEO] Barriers Challenge Bangladesh’s Promising Local Business Growth Posted: 04 Aug 2010 04:00 PM PDT Already the world’s most densely populated country, Bangladesh is expected to grow to over 200 million by 2025. While the country undergoes rapid urbanization and population growth, poverty remains severe, with 60 million Bangladeshis living below the poverty line. “Employment and private sector growth,” explains The Asia Foundation’s Local Economic Governance Project Director Syed Al-Muti in this video, “are key to breaking this cycle.” Unfortunately, significant barriers to doing business, like corruption, steep licensing fees, and local bureaucracy, are still stunting growth at the district level.

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